Among the first to oppose the military operation in Balochistan in 1974 were two leaders from Sindh - Hakim Ali Zardari and Ali Bakhsh Talpur. Both men have a history with the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). Hakim Ali Zardari, father of President Asif Ali Zardari, was a PPP Member National Assembly (MNA), but he later quit the party after developing differences with late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Ali Bakhsh Talpur, father of Mir Munawwar Ali Talpur and husband of Faryal Talpur (sister of Asif Zardari), was arrested on charges of helping the National Awami Party (NAP) conspire against Pakistan. He died in prison.



Hakim Ali Zardari is ill and under treatment. President Asif Ali Zardari and Faryal Talpur, chief of PPP women wing, knew about the struggle of their father against the army operation in Balochistan. President Zardari also tendered an apology in the National Assembly for injustices with people of Balochistan, and assured that his government would ensure to provide relief to them and compensate the losses.



It is unfortunate that his close aide Rehman Malik, Adviser on Interior to Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani, damaged President Zardari’s plans.



While elements who are against the political struggle of the Baloch nationalists are happy with Malik’s revelation, this “disclosure” is not new for those who are well-versed in the political history of Pakistan. Similar charges were levelled in the first PPP government in 1974, after which the third Army operation was launched in Balochistan. More than 5000 army solders were killed in this unsuccessful operation, while many Baloch lost confidence in democratic institutions.



The same blame game has been restarted by a bureaucrat, Rehman Malik.



Malik was the in charge of Qandar Taliban operation in the second PPP government, and was also the operational in charge against the MQM in 1995-96 in Karachi. His most recent stunt was to accuse Baloch leaders, especially Brahamdagh Bugti, as anti-state elements working against Pakistan with Afghan backing. Malik’s statement came at a time when the people of Balochistan were protesting the killing of three local leaders, and the entire province had been shutdown for ten days.



While Malik’s assertions could be justifiable in the eyes of the establishment, this act would further alienate Baloch people and would not be in Pakistani interests. The Baloch are neither the Taliban, nor do they want to fight the army. The Baloch are liberal and secular people, and they have been demanding provincial autonomy as well as economic independence and control over resources recovered from the Balochistan. The establishment, however, sabotaged their peaceful struggle, and five military operations were launched against them in 1948, 1958, 1973, 1980 and in 2006. It is no surprise then that the Baloch had experiences of mistrust with the establishment during the past 60 years as the establishment continued to deny the mandate of the people.



Take for instance the case of Sardar Noroz Khan. While the government gave him a number of assurances and even took an oath on the Holy Qura’an, four of his sons were killed before his own eyes and he was also put in prison. One of his young sons is missing and is yet to be recovered.



It is an open secret that America is interested in Balochistan’s oil and gas reserves, and wants to establish its influence in the province so that it benefits when Baloch resources come into utilization. These resources will also help the United States (US) fight the economic setback it is currently experiencing.



America also has concerns about Iranian influence over Baloch tribes, and wants to curb this power as it does not want to face resistance from Balochistan in case action is initiated against Iran. According to some in-house moles, in order to reduce Iranian influence in Balochistan, the US is backing anti-Shia groups in Balochistan. It is equally plausible that that by creating unrest in Balochistan, the US will be able to counter Chinese presence in Gwadar, as it does not want China anywhere near its military bases in the Gulf.



Despite these facts, the establishment attempted to mishandle the situation in the province.



The situation in Balochistan is very dangerous. The section of the Baloch leadership who wanted their rights within the jurisdiction of the Pakistani state are helpless, while Brahamdagh who took an extreme position, has become a hero for Baloch youth. Even the Baloch women who lodged a protest at Karachi Press Club raised ‘independence’ slogans in their demonstration. More worrying are reports that in some parts of Balochistan as well as in some Baloch localities in Karachi, the Pakistani national anthem has been banned in schools, and Pakistani flags removed from buildings of educational institutions.



In this scenario, there is a need to give ‘special statues’ to Balochistan. Provincial autonomy is part of the Charter of Democracy (CoD), and the PPP must implement it to remove misunderstandings and bring the Baloch people back on board in taking decisions of national interests.



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